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ISSN: 1665-2037
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Política
Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas, A.C.
México



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Julio Ríos Figueroa
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en: The dominant view of the dramatic increase of criminal violence in Mexico fol-lowing the 2007 federal intervention in the War onDrugs suggests that inter-cartel vio-lence became particularly intense in subnational regions where the president could notcoordinate the federal government’s actions with subnational opposition rulers but cameunder control where the president worked with his co-partisans. In this article we chal-lenge the “coordination” argument and claim that incontexts of acute political polariza-tion between Left and Right —like the one Mexico experienced before the War onDrugs— partisan conflict can motivate federal authorities to develop cooperative militaryand policing interventions in regions where the president’s co-partisans rule, but to delib-erately neglect effective assistance to the president’s main political rivals and then blamethe violence on them. Based on an original datasetof inter-cartel violence in Mexico(2006-2012), we show that while criminal violence was more intense in municipalitiesfrom states ruled by opposition parties, it wasfive timesgreaterin cities ruled by the Left —thepresident’s political nemesis. We use case studiesto show how Mexico’s conservativefederal government followed differentiated strategies to deal with spirals of drug vio-lence: it worked together and protected subnationalco-partisans (PAN), partially cooper-ated with centrist opposition authorities (PRI), but confronted leftist governors and mayors(PRD) and left them at the mercy of drug cartels. Our results are consistent with findings inconflict studies showing that state agents do not always seek the monopoly on violenceand sometimes tolerate violence to punish their political enemies.>>>
en: This paper develops a theoretical framework for understanding the relationshipbetween violent contexts of territorial control and vote choice by drawing on insights fromliterature on the contextual determinants of political behavior and civil wars. It tests thehypothesis that individuals living in a violent context tend to behave in line with the stra-tegic objectives and ideological orientations proclaimed by the armed actor dominatingthe area. Using a national survey conducted in Colombia in 2005, and contextual leveldata, this paper employs hierarchical regression models to test this hypothesis. Resultssuggest that on moving from areas dominated by the Colombian state to regions con-trolled by right-wing paramilitary groups, individuals were more likely to support a presidential candidate on the right of the ideological spectrum. However, this relationship ap-pears to be conditioned by partisanship, as minority party sympathizers’ vote choices arethe most affected by changes in violent contexts.>>>
en: In cities across the world, criminal organizations have taken on many of thefunctions traditionally associated with the state, providing public goods such as socialwelfare, security and dispute resolution to the urban poor. While recent literature hasbegun to study the competitive and collusive relations these “irregular governance ac-tors” have with the state, much less is known about how citizens view different gover-nance actors. On the basis of an original survey of inner-city residents in Kingston, Ja-maica, we analyze public opinion towards both formal and irregular governance actors.The results indicate that inner-city residents do not necessarily see criminal organizationsand the state as competing governance structures, and that the contours of public opinionare much more complex than the literature has so far acknowledged.>>>
Victor J.N. Cummings
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en: SolutionsAbstract:Violence against women in politics is increasingly recognized around the world—but especially in Latin America— as an emerging tactic to deter women’s political par-ticipation. We survey how this concept has been defined by academics and practitionersacross the region —largely in terms of physical and psychological violence— and draw onglobal data and research in various disciplines to propose expanding this concept to in-clude two further forms of violence: economic and symbolic. We provide examples of allfour types of violence in Latin American countries and then consider a range of solutionsthat might be pursued in light of this broader definition. We emphasize that a comprehen-sive approach provides the best means for tackling violence in all its forms.>>>
Mona Lena Krook
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Juliana Restrepo Sanín
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en: ChileAbstract:Collective protest grew recently in Chile, yet we know little about the characteristics and determinants of the tactics employed. By examining more than 2300 protestevents between 2000 and 2012, we explore the determinants of the adoption of four typesof tactics: conventional, cultural, disruptive, and violent. Multivariate regression modelsshow that:1)protests against the state elicit conventional tactics, but protests against private companies elicit disruptive and violent tactics;2)workers “specialize” in disruptiveyet nonviolent tactics;3)the presence of formal organizations in the protest increasesconventional tactics and decreases disruptive and violent tactics, and4)protest eventswith a smaller number of participants are more likely to have disruptive and violent tacticsthan more massive events.>>>
Rodrigo Miguel Medel Sierralta
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Nicolás Manuel Somma González
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en: Abstract:The relationships between police and youth have been described so far as a vari-able that depends on the set of interactions between citizens and police forces. Eventhough there are not many essays about this issue, the existing ones emphasize the lack ofcooperation, the abuse by police forces and, to a lesser degree, the formal cooperationbetween these social actors (Goubaud, 2009;ISDP, 2010.).This review essay analyzes someof the main trends on this topic. We emphasize police legitimacy among youth, youth re-sistance to police abuse, and the criminalization of youth by police forces and judges. Thescholarship reviewed in this essay describes the relationships between police forces andyouth in some cities, particularly in urban neighborhoods and outskirts. Most of thesestudies agree in the conflictive character of these relationships and warn about their impli-cations for the construction of safe cities and the recognition of young people as rights-bearing subjects (ISDP, 2010; Vanderschuerenet al., 2011). This essay is structured aroundthree recurrent topics in the literature: legitimacy, conflictive interaction, and policeabuse. Most of the studies reviewed are centered on adolescent men; we have almost notfound studies that differentiate between genders. Therefore, to understand the variationsbetween men and women is part of a pending research agenda.>>>
Alfredo Zavaleta
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Gabriel Kessler
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Arturo Alvarado
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Jorge Zaverucha
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